Showing posts with label Ambush. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ambush. Show all posts

25 August 2021

How Zulu Impi killed Napoleon (Death of the Prince Imperial: 1 June 1879)


Napoléon, Prince Imperial (full name: Napoléon Eugène Louis Jean Joseph Bonaparte, Prince Impérial de France; 16 March 1856 to1 June 1879) was the only child of Emperor Napoleon III of France and his Empress consort Eugénie de Montijo.

After his father was dethroned in 1870, he relocated with his family to England. On his father's death in January 1873, he was proclaimed Napoleon IV, Emperor of the French by the Bonapartist faction.

                                                            

Louis trained as a soldier in England. Keen to see action, he successfully put pressure on the British to allow him to participate in the Anglo-Zulu War. In 1879, serving with British forces, he was killed in a skirmish with a group of Zulu. His premature death sent shockwaves throughout Europe, as he was the last serious dynastic hope for the restoration of the Bonaparte Family to the throne of France.

Born in Paris, he was baptized on 14 June 1856, at Notre Dame Cathedral. His godfather was Pope Pius IX, whose representative, Cardinal Patrizi, officiated. His godmother was Queen Victoria. His English nurse, Miss Shaw, who was recommended by Queen Victoria taught the prince English from an early age. The young prince was known by the nickname "Loulou" in his family circle.


Empress Eugenie and Louis as a baby

At the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871), as teenager, 14 or 15 years old, he accompanied his father to the front and had a baptism of fire at Saarbrücken. He was present at the battle of Spicheren, on the hills above Saarbrücken, early in August, when, as the Emperor informed the Empress in a despatch published immediately afterwards, ‘Louis a fait son bapteme du feu’ (Has his baptism of fire)



Louis as boy, being groomed for life as an officer

The Prince, however, was not long allowed to partake with his father the experiences of that unfortunate campaign, but was sent back first to Paris and then Belgium when the French army began to retreat. The disastrous battle of Sedan, on Sept 2, with the surrender of Napoleon III as a prisoner of war, caused the speedy overthrow of the French Empire. 


Surrender of Napoleon III, Louis' father, to Bismarck at Sedan

The Empress, with the Prince Imperial, took herself to England for refuge. The exiled French Royal family settled in England at Camden Place in Chislehurst, Kent. On his father's death, Bonapartists proclaimed him Napoleon IV. On his 18th birthday, a large crowd gathered to cheer him at Camden Place.

The Prince Imperial attended King's College in London. In 1872, he applied and was accepted to the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. He finished seventh in his class of thirty four, and came top in riding and fencing.; he passed sixth in mechanics and mathematics, seventh in fortifications and artillery, first in horsemanship, and fifth in gymnastics. He was then commissioned into the Royal Artillery in order to follow in the footsteps of his famous great-uncle.


Louis Imperial's uniform, Woolwich Academy

During the 1870s, there was some talk of a marriage between him and Queen Victoria's youngest daughter, Princess Beatrice. Victoria reportedly believed that it would be best for "the peace of Europe" if the prince became Emperor of France. 


The Prince remained a devout Catholic, and retained hopes that the Bonapartist cause might eventually triumph if the secular Third French Republic failed. He supported the tactics of Eugène Rouher over those of Victor, Prince Napoléon, breaking with Victor in 1876.


Louis Napoleon in field uniform

With the outbreak of the Zulu War in 1879, the Prince Imperial, with the rank of lieutenant, forced the hand of the British military to allow him to take part in the conflict, despite the objections of Rouher and other Bonapartists.

He was only allowed to go to Africa by special pleading of his mother, the Empress Eugénie, and by intervention of Queen Victoria herself. He went as an observer, attached to the staff of Frederic Thesiger, 2nd Baron Chelmsford, the commander in South Africa, who was admonished to take care of him. Louis accompanied Chelmsford on his march into Zululand. Keen to see action, and full of enthusiasm, he was warned by Lieutenant Arthur Bigge, a close friend, "not to do anything rash and to avoid running unnecessary risks. He reminded him of the Empress at home and his party and obligation to in France.

(Bigge had fought in the Anglo-Zulu War, and was mentioned in despatches. In 1880, he was summoned to Balmoral Castle by Queen Victoria to give an explanation on the Prince Imperial's death. He was later appointed  Private Secretary to the Queen. Rising to become Lieutenant-Colonel Arthur John Bigge, 1st Baron Stamfordham, GCB, GCIE, GCVO, KCSI, KCMG, ISO, PC. He was Private Secretary to Queen Victoria during the last few years of her reign, and to George V during most of his reign.) 


Taken from The Illustrated London News, June 28, 1879:


" His motive was probably no other than the natural inclination of a young man, who had been brought up with ideas of soldier-ship, to take part in some active field operations. He did not belong to the Army, and could not, therefore, expect to obtain any military rank. 

His position would be simply that of a volunteer, nominally placed on the Staff of the Commander-in Chief, and really the guest of Lord Chelmsford at head-quarters. The two private letters of introduction with which he was furnished by the Duke of Cambridge on Feb. 25, the day before his departure from this country (England) , were read in the House of Lords on Monday last. They may be quoted as showing precisely the manner in which the young Prince was unofficially assisted in gratifying his own personal desires.
 
                       
                  Prince George, Duke of Cambridge                                  Lord Chelmsford

In writing to Lord Chelmsford, the Prince George, Duke of Cambridge said of the Prince Imperial that 

“He is going out on his own account to see as much as he can of the coming campaign in Zululand. 

He is extremely anxious to go out and wanted to be employed in our army; but the Government did not consider that this could be sanctioned, but have sanctioned my writing to you and to Sir Bartle Frere to say that if you can show him kindness and render him assistance to see as much as he can with the columns in the field. I hope you will do so. 

He is a fine young fellow, full of spirit and pluck, and having many old cadet friends in the Artillery, he will doubtless find no difficulty in getting on, and if you can help him in any other way, pray do so. My only anxiety on his account would be that he is too plucky and go-ahead.”

 In the letter to Sir Bartle Frere his Royal Highness stated that the Prince was going out

“To see as much as he can of the coming campaign in Zululand in the capacity of a spectator. 

He was anxious to serve in our army, having been a cadet at Woolwich; but the Government did not think that this could be sanctioned. But no objection is made to his going out on his own account, and I am permitted to introduce him to you and to Lord Chelmsford in the hope and with my personal request that you will give him every help in your power to enable him to see what he can. 

I have written to Chelmsford to the same effect. He is a charming young man, full of spirit and energy, speaking English admirably, and the more you see of him the more you will like him. He has many young friends in the Artillery, and so I doubt not with your and Chelmsford’s kind assistance, he will get on well enough.” 

These letters plainly show that the Government and military authorities at home did not intend to accept the services of the Prince Imperial as a military officer. 

He was not to be placed under Lord Chelmsford’s command, but was received simply as a visitor. Upon his arrival at Cape Town, in the absence of Sir Bartle Frere, he was entertained by Lady Frere at Government House, but lost no time in going on to Natal. 

There he became the guest, at Pietermaritzburg, successively of Sir Bartle Frere and of Lieutenant-Governor Sir Henry Bulwer, till he reached the head-quarters of General Lord Chelmsford, whom he first met at Durban on April 9. There are but scanty notices of what he did and experienced in the months of April and May; other than that he was ill with a slight fever during two or three weeks of that time. In the latter part of May, being on the general staff, he was attached to the cavalry corps of Colonel Redvers Buller, V.C., C.B., operating on the northern frontier of Zululand.

Louis eventually made his way up country and on the 2nd of May 1879 at a camp near Khambula. He was reunited with two of his companions from Woolwich, Lieutenants Arthur Bigge and Frederick Slade. Both these officers had fought in the action at Khambula, on 29th March, which had in fact proved the turning point in the campaign. Louis listened avidly as they recounted the battle, wondering when it would be his chance to see some action. 




Photograph purported to be of Louis Imperial larking with friends  
(? Bigge and Slade) in Zululand (Providence questionable)

Shortly after on the 8th May Chelmsford appointed Colonel Richard Harrison, Royal Engineers, as his Acting Quartermaster-General. Despite his title, Harrison's task was actually military intelligence. Harrison's staff was limited, he only had two officers, Brevet Major Francis Grenfell and Lieutenant Jahleel Carey, and one Lance Corporal, by the name of Martin. 


Harrison later in life

Chelmsford decided that an observer position on Harrison's staff would be an ideal billet for the Prince Imperial. This would permit the General to stop being a royal tour guide, and allow him to get on with the matter in hand: To defeat the Zulu. 

Thus Louis was attached to Col. Harrison's staff. He very quickly found a soul mate in Carey. Thirty-one year old Carey was the son of a Devon vicar, who had been educated at the Lycee Imperial in Paris and had served as a first aid volunteer in the Franco-Prussian War. In addition he had previously seen active service in West Africa and Central America. Because of his Parisian education he affected certain French mannerisms, also well speaking the language with a marked Parisian accent. 


Jahleel Carey

The Prince Imperial had thus been permitted to be a first hand spectator and had embarked on a reconnaissance deeper into KwaZulu. 
Louis had been allowed, with Colonel Harrison's permission, to accompany a strong probing patrol, of some three hundred veteran volunteer horsemen, both European and African, to test the Zulu strength ahead of the line of march. 

Louis was in his element - the opportunity for action had at last come to him. 
On the 16th of May, as Zulu scouts were spotted on the ridge of the Itelezi Hill, but on sighting the patrol they melted back from sight. The reconnaissance commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Redvers Buller V.C., turned to his imperial guest to point out the stealth of the Zulu warriors, only to see that Louis had draw his sword, (the same sword that his great-uncle had carried at Austerlitz), and was galloping headlong in pursuit of the Zulus, thus jeopardising the purpose of the mission. 

Buller dispatched troopers after the eager young man, who returned dejected as  he had not drawn blood. Buller asserted his authority over this spectator with extreme wrath: 
"Your Imperial Highness, this is a reconnaissance, not a Zulu hunt...- Under no circumstances will I permit such reckless action again. Do I make myself clear, Sir." 

Sheepishly, the young Bonaparte admitted his error. On his return to the British lines, Buller, brave, reckless Buller, who only weeks before had personally risked his own life to rescue, not once, but three times, unhorsed men from the clutches of the Zulu, voiced his concerns about Louis Napoleon to his own superior, Col. Harrison.  


Redvers Buller V.C. 

While on patrol with Molyneux another event occurred. While talking with Louis spoke a shot rang out to their left. Nothing was to be seen, save for a trooper calmly reloading his rifle and continuing with his pace. Molyneux concluded that the man had hit whatever he had been aiming at. Not so the Prince, who again drew his sword and rode at full tilt towards the trooper. 

Molyneux shouted, "Prince, I must order you to come back." 
Louis pulled up at once, and turned to face Molyneux, he saluted the officer with his sword, before returning it to its scabbard, and then he let fly at the captain: "It seems I am never to be without a nurse."

Sullenly he returned to camp. On his arrival Colonel Henry Evelyn Wood, quipped to Louis, "Well Sir, I see you've not been assegaied yet." Louis replied, "Not yet, but while I have no desire to be killed, if I have to fall I should prefer an assegai to a bullet, for it would show that I had at least been at close quarters." 

For his sins Louis was unofficially confined to camp, employed on the less than rigorous duty of drawing maps. This was a task which he seethed about: "How could he accomplish his political purpose and reestablish the Napoleonic dynasty, armed only with mapping paper and a drawing pen?"

A patrol on the 30th concluded: " Nothing occurred. We breakfasted, we dined; we saw no Zulus, killed nothing; met with no accidents, and got into camp as quiet as you like. Those who know the Zulus say the patrol had done great good in burning the kraals, as such acts teach the natives that we mean to thoroughly suppress them. One thing has been ascertained, and that is that there are no Zulus in any number in the north-east corner of Zululand.” 

On the evening of 31 May 1879, Harrison agreed to allow Louis to scout in a forward party scheduled to leave in the morning, in the mistaken belief that the path ahead was free of Zulu skirmishers.


Death of the Prince Impérial, detail of a painting by Paul Jamin

On the morning of 1 June, the troop set out, earlier than intended, and without a full escort, largely owing to Louis's impatience. In the party was Lieutenant Jahleel Brenton Carey, a French speaker and British subject from Guernsey, (Who has been erroneously reported, also by Wikipaedia; to have been given particular charge of Louis.) The scouts rode deeper into Zululand. Without Harrison or Buller present to restrain him, the Prince is reported to have taken command from Carey, even though the latter out-ranked him.


The Prince's party was to consist of six troopers and six Basuto (also referred to as "friendly Zulu" or Hlubi) Though no officer was sent to accompany him, Lt Jahleel Carey, an accomplished and intelligent soldier, requested to join the band. Carey had been instructed to survey and map out some of the adjoining ground, and he asked leave to go with the Prince.

Harrison gave permission to Louis to verify details on his maps, by inspecting the area, and to help elect a spot for the camp to move to on the following day. 

Major Bettington's Troop of the Natal Volunteer Horse (established in Feb 1879 after the Isandlawana disaster) supplied an escort of six men. This consisted of Sergeant Robert Willis, Corporal James Grubb (a Natal farmer spoke the Zulu language and was a veteran of 16 years in the Royal Artillery), as well as four troopers namely Nicholas Le Tocq (a Guernsey islander who spoke French), William Abel, George Rogers and private Cochrane. In addition six African Basuto troopers of Captain Shepstone's Native Horse were also assigned to parade at 9.15 a.m. Due due to a misunderstanding, they reported to the wrong tent. 

The Basuto were better scouts as they had a keener sense of sight and hearing than the Europeans. In addition a renegade Hlubi Zulu was assigned as a guide who rode Louis´second horse called “Fate”. Also in tow was Louis´ fox terrier “Nero”. Eager to be about his task Louis left without waiting for the Basuto scouts. Major Francis Grenfell fell in with the group and travelled with them in the direction of the Ncome (Blood) River. A  little over twenty miles off to the east was Ulundi, the Zulu capital. 

Harrison,  who was on another mission in the same vicinity,  came upon the little party. He suggested that their numbers were insufficient, to which Louis replied, "Oh no, we are quite strong enough." 

Harrison could see other mounted units scouting on the nearby Itelezi Hills - he felt that there was no reason to dispute the matter further. Harrison ordered Grenfell to return to camp with him. 
Grenfell turned in his saddle and said, "Take care of yourself, Prince, and don't get shot." 
The Prince, replied, pointing to Carey, "He'll take very good care that nothing happens to me." 

To clear up a point on which Lt Carey and Lord Chelmsford differed in opinion: Carey went on the trip at his own request. He was never ordered to look after the Prince; in fact, he was told that, if he went, he was not to interfere with His Imperial Highness, who  was eager to restore the the tarnished fortunes of his House, and desired to have all the credit of conducting the expedition himself.

The young Prince was now in command of the party, ignoring both Carey and Harrison's advice, had prematurely, ordered it to ride without waiting for the six Basuto scouts. 

He led his little troop on for some distance, and at noon halted, again against Carey's counsel, for a rest in an apparently deserted Zulu Umuzi or kraal (A homestead, belonging to a Zulu named Sobhuza) The Umuzi was was surrounded by a field of tall maize corn and shoulder-high grass on one side and a gully (donga) on the other.





The beehive huts were deserted, but betrayed signs of recent habitation. Louis gave orders for the
men to off-saddle their mounts and allow them to be grazed. Their Zulu guide was dispatched to fetch water so that the white men could brew some coffee. 
Louis and Carey made some sketches of the terrain, and used part of the thatch of the huts to make a fire. Louis lay down beside one of the huts and relaxed, he was in his element, free from the constraints of being made to obey orders, he was now giving the orders. Carey and Louis mused over the victories of the 1st Napoleon in Italy in 1796; and Louis's mind was obviously wandering towards his own future. The men relaxed over their coffee, and enjoyed a pipe, but no one had deemed it necessary to set a guard. 



Louis did not post a lookout. This was a fatal blunder. The cover of the maize field and the tall grass rendered the place ideal for concealment and ambush. Here the Prince waited and rested an hour, while the Zulu surrounded him.

At 3.35 p.m. Carey suggested to Louis that they should saddle up,.
Louis replied, "Just another ten minutes." 
Almost simultaneously the Zulu guide reported that he had seen a lone Zulu on the rise above the kraal. The order was given to saddle-up, but some of the horses had strayed and it was a further ten minutes before all of them could be gathered and made ready. 

Lt Jahleel Carey, being an officer, mounted independently from the others. The enlisted men stood by horses, with Louis facing them. He enquired of them: "Are you all ready?" To which the men replied they were. Louis then gave the order "Prepare to mount", at which the men each put their left foot in the nearside stirrup - all were waiting for the Prince's next word of command. 

As the word "Mount" came from his lips it was drowned by a ragged volley of rifle fire from the surrounding bush, from which broke some forty or so Zulus, yelling their war cry, "Usuthu!" (Kill) as they came. This din startled the horses, making it difficult for riders to mount.




Trooper George Rogers's horse bolted, stranding him on foot. He managed to load and fire his carbine before falling to the assegais of  warriors called Zubalo and Mshingishingi. 

Carey and the others rode off towards the donga. Trooper William Abel´s flight was stopped by a bullet from a captured British rifle and he fell from his mount. As for Prince Louis, he struggled to mount his horse and in doing so his sword, (Napoleon's sword from Austerlitz) cluttered to the ground. His horse, a skittish grey, dragged him along as he clutched onto a saddle holster. 

Trooper Nicholas Le Tocq, the man from Guernsey fled past him. Le Tocq was lying on his stomach across the saddle of his galloping horse. He could offer the prince little help, save for urging him in French to mount his horse. Fate intervened. The leather strap of the saddle holster broke, sending Louis crashing to the ground, fracturing his right arm. 

Corporal James Grubb looked back to see Louis making off on foot pursued by about ten Zulus. The fleet-of-foot Zulu warriors gained on their prey. Louis ran some three hundred yards, then turned in the donga to meet his destiny. 

He drew his pistol with his left hand, and fired two shots. Neither of these found a mark, despite being at close range.  A thrown assegai, struck the Prince in the right thigh. Louis plucked the spear from his leg with his left hand, and tried to defend himself with it. Another warrior threw a spear, which entered his left shoulder. He eventually slumped to his knees. The Zulu closed in on him and he died under a flurry of stabbing assegai blades. 

No attempt could be made by Carey or the others to save Louis. It was impossible to see what was going on through the corn and grass, and it was not till the troopers had retreated for some considerable distance that Carey and his comrades learned of the Prince's fate. To have made a stand in the cornfield would have been to court instant death. 

Zulu oral history reports that the assault group was commanded by an Induna called Mnukwa, an officer of the royal household of King Cetshwayo. The warrior Langalabele hit Louis with his spear in the thigh; while Xabanga was the one who threw his spear at the Prince´s left shoulder and also fatally stabbed him to the chest. 


Most of the 17 stab marks recorded in his chest were probably postmortem. 
This would be consistent with the Zulu practice of hlomula, whereby each warrior marked this participation in the killing of a gallant foe (Louis was described as having "fought like a lion"). 

He was then eviscerated with a cut through the stomach by the warrior Klabawathunga. 
The belief was that it was necessary to free the spirit of the slain in order that it should not haunt the slayer. His clothing was taken and distributed among the warriors as it was tradition to wear a piece of clothing of the killed opponent as a talisman until a ritual cleansing could take place



Thanks to Carey's knowledge of the ground, the rest of the party, with the exception of the two slain troopers, were saved. Carey was able to give Colonel Wood's force the valuable intelligence that the enemy, contrary to the general belief, was present in strength the country ahead of the British.

With no chance to rally, and out numbered,  Carey and the others rode back, until they encountered Wood and his men. Due to the lateness of the hour, it was decided that it would have been futile to risk any further lives in the dwindling light of an African dusk. 



Carey and his men rode into camp that night and imparted their sorrowful news to General Lord Chelmsford. In the pre-dawn light of the following morning two whole regiments of regular British cavalry, several units of volunteer cavalry and a battalion of loyal African soldiers mustered to search for the Prince Imperial. 

The correspondent from the Le Figaro, Paul Deleage, his eyes filled with tears, yelled his abuse at the officers, with the words, "Yesterday the Prince left this camp with but seven companions. Today a thousand men will search for his body." 



The search party found his body  where he had died, stripped of all its clothing, the body bore seventeen spear wounds of which one of three could have proved fatal. All wounds were inflicted on the the front of his body showing that he had died facing the enemy. 




Contemporary press reports on Louis' body being recovered

The body was borne away, and amid great ceremony it was taken back through Natal, and eventually to England. Where an almost state funeral took place at Chislehurst. 

The indignation of the French Bonapartists at the death of the Prince Imperial was without limit. 


The ex-Empress, who had encouraged her son to go to South Africa, was prostrate with sorrow and remorse. Even the tender sympathies of the British Queen could not console her for the loss of one whose life was necessary for her ambition, and whose death shattered the last hopes of Imperialism in France.

Victor Bonaparte and Empress Eugenie at Louis' funeral

It was thought desirable that somebody should be sacrificed to appease the wrath of the ex-Empress.
Carey was hastily tried by court-martial, found guilty, and cashiered for "Misbehaviour in front of the enemy while in command of a reconnoitering party" He was sent back to the UK under arrest.



Carey vilified in the press
Carey was subjected to first a court of inquiry, then a hasty court martial in South Africa, fueled by agitation from Empress Eugénie and intervention by Queen Victoria.
 
The guilty finding and cashiering was later overturned by Prince George, the Duke of Cambridge, head of the Army. Carey was reinstated and subsequently promoted to Captain. Carey took the brave, but quixotic action of returning to his regiment. Though cleared and the court martial overturned by the Duke of Cambridge, he was to return to his regiment a pariah, shunned by his fellow officers for not standing and fighting. Carey endured several years of social and regimental opprobrium before his death in Bombay, India, following a fall from a rearing horse.

Field Marshall Wolseley’s comment may be typical: ‘He had better start in some line of life more congenial with his cowardly heart… the greengrocer or the undertaker calling might suit him."

There were only one reason for attacking Carey:
 
He was a convenient scape-goat. He was the officer of lowest rank who had any direct connection with the Prince Imperial's ill-fated reconnaissance. Though he had absolutely nothing whatever to do with the command of that expedition, or with the Prince's mismanagement of it, he was held to account.
In fact, all that Carey could be held responsible for, was for saving, by his superior knowledge of the ground, four of the six troopers whom the Prince had led into a fatal ambush.

It need hardly be said that, on review, the finding of the court-martial was overturned by the
Prince George, Duke of Cambridge, and Carey restored to his rank. The Duke laid all the blame on Colonel Harrison. The latter was, however, never tried by court-martial.
 
He also found that Carey had made a mistake in assuming that the Prince would be in command of the party. Given the social standing and unique position of the Prince, this mistake which was not only natural but probably inevitable. Any of his peers would have fallen into this trap.

Louis Napoleon's death caused an international sensation. Rumour spread in France that the prince had been intentionally "disposed of" by the British. The French republicans and even a Freemason's conspiracy was blamed. In one account, Queen Victoria was accused of arranging the whole thing, a theory that was later dramatised by Maurice Rostand in his play Napoleon IV.

Zulu leaders claimed at a later stage that they would not have killed him if they had known who he was. Langalabele, and most of his other assailants, met their own death in July at the Battle of Ulundi.



Destroyed huts at Sobhuza's kraal, where the Prince Imperial met his fate

Princess Eugénie later undertook a pilgrimage to Sobhuza's kraal, and the spot where her son had died. Queen Victoria had a memorial cross erected in his memory on the spot:



The Prince, who had begged to be allowed to go to war (carrying the sword worn by the first Napoleon at Austerlitz) and who had worried his commanders by his dash and daring, was described by Garnet Wolseley as "a plucky young man, and he died a soldier's death. What on earth could he have done better?"

His badly decomposed body was returned to Woolwich Arsenal, on board the British troopship HMS Orontes; and lay in state in the western octagonal guardhouse of the barracks where he had trained. 

The funeral procession, including Queen Victoria, went from there to Chislehurst,  where he was buried. On 9 January 1888, his body was transferred to a special mausoleum constructed by his mother as the Imperial Crypt at Saint Michael's Abbey, Farnborough, Hampshire, England, alongside his late father, Napoleon III.




The Prince Imperial will appointed his cousin, Prince Napoléon Victor Bonaparte his heir, skipping the (genealogically senior heir), Victor's father, Prince Napoléon, his uncle.

Upon hearing news of Napoleon’s death, British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli asked “who are these Zulus…who on this day have put an end to a great dynasty?”


Death of the Prince impérial during the Anglo-Zulu War, detail of a painting by Paul Jamin. Collection of Château de Compiègne; Musée du Second Empire, Compiègne, France.

What became of the sword? 

There is no mention of it in Donald Morris’s  "The Washing of The Spears" or "Captain Carey’s Blunder by Donald Featherstone. There is an image in the Getty Image collection showing Lt Lysons (later VC) handing the sword to Lord Chelmsford. 

The romantic legend was that it was Napoleon’s sword that he had worn at Austerlitz. The truth is sadly more mundane. Some sources report the sword he was wearing was simply a French or British Artillery/Infantry Officer's Service sword (Type 1822 or 1845 as below) and now is located in the Château of Fontainebleau. I have been unable to locate an image of the actual sword. 









The Emperor Napoleon I had the Austerlitz sword at his death in 1821 on St Helena. General  Bertrand brought it back surreptitiously from St Helena to France to give to the Bonaparte family. It was intercepted by Prince Klemens von Metternich. The sword was handed  to King Louis-Philippe and on his death in 1824 it was placed in the Army Museum in Paris (Les Invalides ) .


The real sword of Napoleon I, worn at Austerlitz (Les Invalides, Paris) 

The final word

A bronze statue of the Prince Imperial which was erected at the RMA Woolwich where he had been a gentleman cadet. This was moved to Sandhurst in 1955, when the two training units merged. It remains on the grounds of Sandhurst.





Disclaimer: This article is simply a distillation and interpretation of information freely available on the internet, for the purposes of education and entertainment; primarily for a wargaming audience. 
I do not own any of the content other than my own interpretations. It may contain opinions and distortion of facts, and may differ from actual historical fact. Within this context I am happy to correct, acknowledge ownership or even remove content. 

30 April 2015

Late War German Armour: The Hinterhalt (Ambush) Camo Colour Scheme

Hinterhalt Tarnung: Ambush Camo, The Art of Late War German Camouflage

I recently decided to paint some 20mm Panthers, King Tigers and Jagdtigers in Ambush (Hinterhalt) camouflage. As usual, a bit of research followed:


Panthers on the workbench, and progress on Koenigstigers and a Jagdtiger. 
Just for the heck of it: Both the Porsche and Henschell turrets. 

And of course then we'll need halftracks and scouts in the same scheme, and, and...

East front vs Western Front Pumas

More about the Ambush scheme: There is no German word exactly the equivalent to 'Ambush', hence the variety of terms used to describe the scheme. My paint scheme is loosely based on one of the variants of this scheme, the so-called Dot-Ambush Scheme. On closer research some observers may see some inaccuracies in my work. I call it artistic license.

Collins' German-English Dictionary translates 'ambush' as 'hinterhalt', and is the preferred term in use by modellers for this type of camo.


Hinter (~land) halt literally means 'countryside or land beyond - stop' but the grammatical meaning
(as below) is being closer to 'überfall' (lit. 'overcome, assault from cover or above'). Another term for this type of camouflage was  'licht und schatten tarnung' (lit. 'light and shadow camouflage')

(German: Hinterhalt: Ambush; aus dem Hinterhalt überfallen werden →to be ambushed
in Hinterhalt lockend → Ambushing; lockte in Hinterhalt →ambushed or led into ambush or trap. 
See also Dutch or Afrikaans: Hinderlaag )

Panthers, Jagdpanthers, Tiger IIs and Jagdtigers in Hinterhalt Tarnung:

The (short-lived) WW 2 German Hinterhalt or 'Ambush' scheme was at least 4 different paint schemes applied directly to Panther Gs by the MAN and Daimler-Benz factories, between 19th August and 14th September 44 (with zimmerit, on the dark yellow base) and from 14th-30th September (without zimmerit and on the red primer base).

The relatively limited photographic evidence of the use of Hinterhalt had nothing to do with  'popularity' (Tank crews didn't get to choose the colours of their tanks at this stage of the war) but because this was a very short-run scheme. Not a great deal of vehicles from the various factories (Pz.IVs, JgdPz.38s and Tiger IIs,  Jagdpanthers) were painted in this scheme.

On the Panther:

The Panther was born out of a project started in 1938 to replace the Panzer III and Panzer IV tanks. Initial design proposals were made by Krupp, Daimler Benz and MAN. These designs were eventually abandoned (and Krupp dropped out of the competition entirely) as the requirement increased to a vehicle weighing 30 tonnes. This was the  result of encounters with the Soviet T-34 and KV-1 tanks. The T-34 so outclassed the existing models of the Pzkfw III and IV that General Heinz Guderian insisted on a special tank commission to assess the T-34.

Among the features found most desirable by the commission was sloping armour, which gave much improved shot deflection (and also increased the effective armour protection against penetration), wide tracks, (which improved mobility over soft ground), and a heavy caliber high velocity gun (76.2 mm in the case of the T34) ; good armour penetration and the ability to fire high explosive rounds as well as armour piercing.

Daimler-Benz (DB), designer of the successful Panzer III and Stug III, and Maschinenfabrik Augsburg-Nürnberg AG (MAN) were given the task of designing a new 30- to 35-tonne tank. MAN's design was chosen. 

About Panzer colours:

Paint Standardization

The paint colors used were defined by the Reichs-Ausshuss für Lieferbedingungen (RAL) (Reich Committee for Terms of Delivery). It is important to note that, while the current Bundeswehr color standard uses some of the same color names, the colors are different from the ones used during the war.

Between 1927 and 1937, German tanks were painted in the Buntfarbenanstrich (colorful paint pattern). The pattern used three colors: RAL Nr. 17 Erdgelb-matt (matte earth yellow), RAL Nr. 18 Braun-matt (matte brown), and RAL Nr. 28 Grün-matt (matte green). The colors were factory sprayed onto the vehicle in the wavy pattern, with a different pattern for each vehicle. The borders were to be either feathered, or bordered by one to three centimeter wide stripes of RAL Nr. 5 Schwarz-matt (matte black).

Early-war, 1937-1940
On 19 July 1937, it was ordered to change the camouflage pattern to Dunkelbraun Nr. 45 (dark brown) and Dunkelgrau Nr. 46 (dark gray), with feathered edges. Vehicles already painted in the Buntfarbenanstrich were not to be painted in the new pattern, unless they were to be re-painted anyway.

On 7 November 1938, it was ordered that all vehicles were to be re-painted by the individual units. At the same time, it was specified that the pattern should be a base coat of Dunkelgrau, with one-third of the vehicle covered in Dunkelbraun.

The dark brown color was very dark, making it very difficult to distinguish the colors on black-and-white photographs. Most photographs therefore appear to show the vehicles painted in a monotone pattern.

Mid-war and North Africa, 1941-1942
After 12 June 1940, units stopped buying paint directly from the suppliers. Instead, paint was issued directly to the units, with Dunkelgrau being the only issued color. On 31 July 1940, to save paint, it was ordered that armor should only be painted Dunkelgrau. On 10 February 1941, the RAL colors were re-numbered, with Dunkelgrau Nr. 46 becoming Dunkelgrau RAL 7021.

On 17 March 1941, it was ordered to paint all vehicles in North Africa a base color of Gelbbraun RAL 8000 (yellow-brown), with one-third of the vehicle covered by Graugrün RAL 7008 (gray-green), with feathered edges. To save paint, the areas covered by Graugrün were not to be covered with the Gelbbraun base color. Small items should only be painted in one color. On 25 March 1942, Gelbbraun and Graugrün were replaced by Braun RAL 8020 (brown) and Grau RAL 7027 (gray), once existing paint stocks were depleted, with no change in pattern.


There are examples of vehicles in Europe in 1941 and 1942 with a two-tone pattern. The most likely explanation is that vehicles intended for North Africa, and painted at the factories, were re-routed to European units.

Mid and Late-war, 1943-1945
On 18 February 1943, all vehicles were ordered to be painted in a base coat of Dunkelgelb RAL 7028 (dark yellow). Only small pieces of equipment were to retain their previous color. On top of the Dunkelgelb base coat, stripes of Rotbraun RAL 8017 (red-brown) and Olivgrün RAL 6003 (olive green) was applied.


The Rotbraun and Olivgrün paint was delivered to the units in tins, which were thinned with any available liquid. It was then applied by the maintenance section, which allowed the pattern to match the terrain. This also resulted in a wide variety of patterns, from elaborate sprayed camouflage, to patterns that look like they were smeared on with a broom and rag.


To standardize and improve camouflage patterns, on 19 August 1944, it was ordered that all vehicles were to be painted at the factory. The pattern, Hinterhalt-Tarnung (ambush camouflage), still used a base color of Dunkelgelb, with Rotbraun and Olivgrün stripes. On top of each color, small dots of the other two were applied. This pattern was created to give the appearance of the sun shining through forest foliage.

Panzers were painted in all dark yellow (lead) oxide (Dunkelgelb)RAL 7028 base colour until 14 Sep 44, when red (iron) oxide primer alone as the base colour was adopted and the use of the anti-magnetic paste, zimmerit, discontinued.

Zimmerit was applied in the factory, and was composed of 40 % Barium sulfate - BaSO4; 25 % polyvinyl acetate – PVA (similar to wood glue); 15 % pigment (ochre); 10 % Zinc sulfide – ZnS and 10 % sawdust. It took several days to dry, and added days to the completion of every vehicle. By the end of the war this delay was unacceptable.

In mid-September 1944, vehicles started leaving the factories in their red oxide primer, with only sparse camouflage. On 31 October 1944, more elaborate camouflage in Dunkelgelb, Rotbraun and Olivgrün began being applied at the factories over the red oxide primer. Furthermore, Dunkelgrau could be used if Dunkelgelb was unavailable. Despite this order, there has never been any photographic evidence that Dunkelgrau was actually used.

On 20 December 1944, it was ordered that a Dunkelgrün base coat, with a hard-edge pattern of Dunkelgelb and Rotbraun should be used.

Confused?

Perhaps the best way to approach late-war panzer camo is to distinguish base coat color from camo pattern. Base colors proceed along one timeline, and camo patterns run on a parallel one. This, along with the wide latitude allowed in interpreting official camo patterns, seems the best way to explain the many variations one sees.


                                         Dunkelgelb (Dark yellow) Panthers for delivery to the front

Dark yellow remained the official basecoat color until October 1944. Assembly plants were then directed to apply camo directly over red oxide primer. There's been much speculation but no real evidence as for the reason for this change. One probability is that  yellow was in short supply due to Allied bombing raids on German industry.The other is that dark yellow became less useful as a camo color as the physical and tactical environments changed in late '44.

Whatever the reason for the shift from yellow to red oxide, it must have been good enough to outweigh the disadvantages of leaving primer exposed to the weather.



USAF colour images of a Panther/Jagdpanther  Factory (Possibly MNH- Hannover) showing  2-3 even 4 different base coats. There is a great deal of speculation on the internet on the exact nature of the colours seen here, ranging from baked enamelling through to wet/part cured paint that caught fire during the raids that destroyed the factories as an explanation for the dark grey base coats. 

In December 1944 all component producers were directed to paint major components dark green before shipment to the assembly plants due to the Allied air threat. There apparently wasn't enough dark green for all vehicles, and the green seems to have been prioritized for Tigers, Panthers and Jagdpanzers. Thus everything from Pz IVs down in size, weight and priority often got a dark yellow base coat. It's unclear if dark yellow stocks had been replenished to permit this.

As for camouflage, what's commonly called ambush pattern was first used in August 44, due to allied air supremacy on all fronts, and continual losses of German armour due to air strikes.

 From September 44, there seems to have been at least three official camo patterns, of which two were most widely used. Of these, one was essentially "ambush" pattern, with or without "dots." The second included dark brown areas with dark yellow stripes, which could be straight diagonals or wavy and irregular. While these patterns initially were prescribed for seasonal use, they soon were used on a continuous basis.

It seems that different assembly plants tended to use idiosyncratic versions of one of the patterns on their vehicles. Henschel, Wegmann and the N'werke (MAN Nuremberg) used the ambush pattern, whether on Tiger IIs or Pz IVs, whatever the base color. MAN, MNH, and DB used variants of the striped pattern on Panthers and Jagdpanthers, again without regard to base color.

Vomag generally used ambush, then later irregular stripes on Jgpz IV L/70(V)s, while L/70(A)s seem to have gotten ambush, without dots. Alkett and Krupp-Gruson may not have been issued camo paint to any great extent, because most of their late products seem to appear in plain dark yellow. Camo was applied with sprayer and masks and by brush. It's unclear the extent to which freehand-sprayed patterns were factory products.

It's important to recognize the huge range of variation in camo as it was applied. Paint availability was an obvious factor, but there also were the idiosancracies of each plant, line, foreman or even worker. It's often hard to tell the basecoat color in a camo pattern. Irregular yellow stripes can be very tough to distinguish from narrow areas of yellow base coat under camo. Predominantly B&W photos from the period also lead to guesswork.


Jagdpanthers, clearly receiving the later vertical striped pattern. 
Or is it just reflections and shadows from the windows above? 

Field units were directed as of  December 1944 (IIRC) to repaint equipment shipped to them not in compliance with painting directives. It's unclear if this meant they were to try to apply the standard patterns in the field, and what they were supposed to use to do so. The reality seems to have been that units with leftover tarn pastern, which were no longer shipped to units, and paint intended for use after repairs, improvised camo as best they could. Many vehicles were left in plain yellow, of course.

Panther schemes:


By September 1944 the Panther G model was in full productionNot many Panther Gs were snow-camouflaged (Again, nothing to do with 'popularity'. Before Jan 45 there was not enough snow on the ground to make it necessary by either side in the conflict)







The Panther G was in the main produced  by MAN, Daimler-Benz, MNH and Demag. Each factory had different zimmerit patterns, balkenkreuz and factory number placement. Factories of origin could sometimes be identified for individual tanks based on these characteristics.

Other Panther tank factories that applied 'ambush' schemes included Niebelungenwerk, Skoda, Henschel, Krupp and possibly others. There was no set single scheme, many factories applied the same painting directive differently. As some patterns appear to have been used by more than one factory, it is likely that at least some of the design masters originated at higher command level, and then sent to the individual factories for their drawing-offices to translate into stencils.

The paint schemes were probably introduced around 19th - 20th August at the Panther factories at MAN and MNH, which accounts for the early examples also having zimmerit.
Krupp also had zimmerit and Disc-camouflage on their late August '44 StuG.IVs, and few early Vomag IV/70s may also have had both.


Brumm Baer with MAN factory applied disc pattern

By mid-September, zimmerit application had been discontinued. In contrast to MAN and MNH, Daimler-Benz and the remaining tank manufacturers may have initiated their schemes after this date, as their patterns only appear on non-zimmeritted vehicles.

However, by early October the 'ambush' patterns were no longer being applied. This was possibly because the system requirements ran contrary to the mid-September 44 directive for 'sparing use' of paint, and likely because it took extra and ill-afforded skilled worker time on the production line.

Surprisingly few photographs of 'ambush' camo vehicles have survived, given the number of factories involved. A good proportion of August and September's Panther production would have been painted in the 'ambush' schemes. Much of August's production was channeled into the newly-formed Panzer Brigades and squandered away during the September battles on the Eastern Front. Relatively few of these vehicles were ever photographed.

There were two official 'ambush' schemes applied to Panthers (This was all new production Panthers, as there was no ' returned-damaged-for-a-repaint-in-ambush-scheme' policy). The scheme was applied by the factories, and not in the field, though some retouching (to repair damage or change tac numbers) probably took place. 


Notably one well-photographed MAN Befehlspanther G ('R01' of Hermann Goering PzDiv) had Disc-camouflage applied to its schürzen only, in a slightly different version of the scheme, showing the edges of the discs similar to the Skoda/Krupp patterns. This may have been applied by HG troops, so is possibly an isolated example, or may have been schürzen removed from a damaged or destroyed vehicle.





Disc Pattern Hinterhalt Tarnung:
The first variant is the disc-camouflage or corn chip series of patterns. This was practiced by MAN and MNH on the Panther G. Vomag also used at least one of these patterns on the Panzer IV/70 and even a few final model Panzerjäger 39's (Jagdpanzer IV's).
Uniquely their Disc-camouflage was formed by dunkelgelb and was sprayed through a stencil made from overlapping discs on top of the olivgrun and rotbraun areas only of their standard factory patterns. This differed from the disc-camouflage system used by the other manufacturers as it used purely this application, i.e. the outside edges of the disc areas were not defined, but merely blended into the dunkelgelb. This is in sharp contrast to Krupp's or Skoda's disc-camouflage, for instance, where the outsides of the disc areas are clearly seen.


The system utilised stencils that matched left/right and top/bottom so a seamless pattern was made over the whole vehicle.
MAN produced some of their 19th August - 7th September production run with Disc-camouflage patterns, sprayed onto their vertically-lined rollered zimmerit, (another factory identifying idiosancrasy); then continued until at least end of September without zimmerit.
MNH also produced G's with Disc-camouflage patterns but on their own horizontally troweled zimmerit. A few zimmeritted MNH G's also had the crew heater fan tower (which shouldn't have been fitted till October). Again, MNH continued until at least end of September without zimmerit.

 Around this time they commenced using their trademark diagonal stripe camo patterns, and the final 'ambush' examples may have even had both.






The second pattern was utilized by Daimler-Benz and was formed by spraying small delicate spots of contrasting color onto some or all three base colors. (So-called Dot pattern) 




Variants of this utilising lines or triangular shapes have given rise to other, unofficial descriptions:




 Diagonal stripe patterns:



 The rot braun mid-war camo that was probably the precursor to the ambush scheme:





Note the difference in base colour yellow. (Close to Vallejo Middle Stone in these reproduction paint jobs on the Bovington Jagdpanzer and Panthers, and my choice of colour for my models)


Late war striped (disruptive) camo over green base:





 Tiger II or B / Königstiger (Bengal Tiger, not King Tiger as often erroneously translated) :



Showing the early curved Porsche turret, also with zimmerit applied


The later, (and more numerous) more square Henschel turret

 Artists impressions:






And the Sturmtiger:




Jagdpanzer 38(t)


Jagdpanzer 38(t) (often incorrectly known as the Hetzer), in ambush camouflage without dots

The Jagdpanzer 38 (Sd.Kfz. 138/2), was a German light tank destroyer of the Second World War based on a modified Czechoslovakian Panzer 38(t) chassis. The project was inspired by the Romanian "Mareşal" tank destroyer. The name Hetzer was not commonly used for this vehicle in WW2. 



"Hetzer" was the designation for a related prototype, the E-10. The Škoda factory confused the two names for a very short period in its documentation and the very first unit equipped with the vehicle thus for a few weeks applied the incorrect name until matters were cleared. 

There is a briefing paper from Heinz Guderian to Hitler claiming that an unofficial name, Hetzer, had spontaneously been coined by the troops. Post-war historians basing themselves on this statement made the name popular in their works, though the vehicle was never named as such in official documents or in practice. It was simply known as a Jagdpanzer.

The Jagdpanzer 38 succeeded the open-top Marder III (based on the same chassis) in April 1944; about 2584 were built until the end of the war. 

While I am ranting about misconceptions:
One I came across repeatedly while researching this article: 

The German WW2 Barred Cross national insignia is called a BALKENKREUZ (kreuz =cross). BALKEN, Not a BALKAN cross. It is a cross made of bars or beams, Balken, in German.
It has nothing to do with the Balkan states.



Wiki: The Balkenkreuz is a straight-armed cross that was the emblem of the Wehrmacht (German Armed Forces) and its branches in World War II. It was used by the Heer (Army), Luftwaffe (Air Force), and Kriegsmarine (Navy).

German:  Balken refers to a wooden beam or girder, yielding a translation of Balkenkreuz as "beam cross" or "bar cross" or "balk cross".The name is often and erroneously rendered as "Balkan Cross" in English.